Working memory is the memory system we use during everyday
activities. Imagine, for example, attempting to multiply two numbers without
writing them down. You would need to hold the numbers in working memory whilst calculating
the answer. Similarly, imagine hearing a list of instructions for a learning
task. You would need to hold the instructions in working memory whilst carrying
out each activity. It is well established that working memory plays an
important role in children’s learning and attainment.
A number of assessments are available for children’s working
memory. Although some of these are expensive and lengthy to administer, in a
recent project I helped with the design and standardisation of a new simple assessment,
called Lucid Recall. This is a brief computerized assessment, which can be used
in group settings. Children complete three tasks, without needing any input
from a teacher, and a report detailing their performance and any potential
areas for improvement is then generated. The assessment is standardised for
children aged 7 to 16 years, and has good reliability and validity (St
Clair-Thompson, 2014).
Lucid Recall
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Working memory is closely related to learning and attainment
across a range of curricular domains. For example, in the testing of Lucid
Recall national curriculum levels for reading, writing, and mathematics were
collected for over 300 children who completed the memory assessment. Children
were aged 7 to 11 years. The correlations between working memory and national
curriculum levels ranged from .31 to .60, suggesting that working memory can
explain up to 36% of the variance in national curriculum levels. Scores on the
memory assessment also successfully identified children with special
educational needs.
These findings were not new, and added to a vast and growing
literature on the role of working memory in learning and attainment (e.g. see
Alloway & Gathercole, 2006; Cowan, 2014). This literature is concerned with
many theoretical and practical issues. However, having established a
relationship between working memory and learning the question which is probably
of most interest to teachers is “What can we do about it?” One approach, which
has recently received much attention, is that of working memory training.
Similar to more generic “brain training”, this involves repeated practice on
tasks requiring storage and manipulation of verbal and visuo-spatial information.
It is not surprising that training on such working memory tasks improves
participant’s performance on those trained tasks. However, what we are most
interested in is improvements on other measures such as tasks assessing reading,
maths, or even intelligence. The likelihood of such improvements has been an
issue of much debate.
In some of my own work I have explored the effects of Memory
Booster, a training programme that allows practice on working memory tasks, and
also provides instructions on how to use memory strategies such as rehearsal
and visualisation. Evidence suggests that it leads to improvements on measures
of working memory, but not to improvements on standardised measures of reading,
comprehension or mathematics (St Clair-Thompson, Stevens, Hunt & Bolder,
2010).
Memory Booster
Many studies exploring working memory training, however, use
a programme called CogMed (http://www.cogmed.com). Some studies have suggested
promising effects of the CogMed programme. However, many studies have revealed
a pattern of findings very similar to my own work with Memory Booster, of improvements
in working memory but no other cognitive tasks. Several recent reviews have therefore
concluded that there is limited evidence for the benefits of working memory
training (e.g. Melby-Lervag & Hulme, 2013; Shipstead, Redick, & Engle, 2012).
A second approach to addressing the role of working memory
in the classroom has therefore been to consider reducing the working memory demands
of classroom activities. Being aware of the role of working memory in
children’s learning should allow teachers to consider working memory demands
and make sure that they don’t overload a child’s working memory. For example,
using visual aids, breaking down complex tasks into separate independent steps,
and repeating important information should reduce the chance of children
failing on learning activities as a result of a poor working memory. Although
currently we are lacking well-designed studies examining such approaches, there
certainly can’t be any harm in implementing these strategies within the school
classroom. More generally, the more teachers become aware of working memory and
its importance within the classroom, the fewer children that will be disadvantaged
in school as a result of a poor working memory.
References
Alloway,
T.P. & Gathercole, S.E. (2006). How does working memory work in the
classroom? Educational Research and
Reviews, 1, 134-139.
Cowan, N. (2014). Working memory underpins cognitive
development, learning and education. Educational
Psychology Review, 26, 197-223.
Melby-Lervag, M., & Hulme,
C. (2013). Is working memory training effective? A meta-analytic review. Developmental
Psychology, 49, 270- 291.
Shipstead, Z., Redick, T. S.,
& Engle, R. W. (2012). Is working memory training effective? Psychological
Bulletin, 138, 628- 654.
St Clair-Thompson, H.L. (2014). Establishing the Reliability and Validity of a Computerized Assessment of
Children’s Working Memory for Use in Group Settings. Journal of Psychoeducational Assessment, 32, 15-26.
St Clair‐Thompson, H., Stevens, R., Hunt, A., & Bolder, E. (2010). Improving
children's working memory and classroom performance. Educational Psychology,
30, 203-219.
Brief academic bio
Dr Helen St Clair-Thompson is a senior lecturer in the
School of Psychology, Newcastle University. She is interested in psychological
constructs that are important in educational settings, and has published widely
on the topic of working memory. Further details can be found at http://www.ncl.ac.uk/psychology/staff/profile/helen.st-clair-thompson
